In this blog piece, I will provide a summary of the renowned book “Politics” of Andrew Heywood. This summary of mine was made for my PhD course in 2011.



  • Politics, in its broadest sense can be defined as the activity through which people make, preserve and amend the general rules under which they live
  • The traditional view of politics as ‘what concerns the state’, restricting the study of politics to a focus on the personnel and machinery of government
  • Politics associated more broadly with ‘public’ life as opposed to ‘private’ life
  • Politics conceived as a particular means of resolving conflict: that is, by compromise, conciliation and negotiation
  • The radical definition of politics as the production, distribution and use of resources in the course of social existence, implying that politics is about power and stems from the unequal distribution of resources
  • The philosophical tradition of political analysis as a preoccupation with essentially ethical or normative questions about how society ‘should’ be organised
  • The empirical tradition of political analysis as the attempt to describe or explain political processes, usually by reference to institutional structures
  • The scientific tradition of political analysis as the attempt to disclose political knowledge through the application of scientific method, as in the case of behaviouralism (pp. 14-5)
  • Recent developments in the study of politics have included the growth of rational-choice theory, feminism, ‘new’ institutionalism, green politics, critical theory and postmodernism (pp. 15-7).
  • Difficulties in construction a science of politics, including the problem of deriving data from human behaviour, the existing of hidden values, and the myth of neutrality in the social sciences (pp. 17-8).
  • The role of concepts, models and theories in imposing meaning on political information or data, and the problems and pitfalls of concepts and theories (pp. 18-21)




  • Government, in its broadest sense, as the mechanism through which ordered rule is maintained, its central features being the ability to make and enforce collective decisions (p. 26).
  • The benefit of classifying political systems as an essential aid to the understanding of politics in government, and as a means of evaluating the adequacy of effectiveness of institutional structures (pp. 26-7).
  • The classical typology devised by Aristotle, based on the answers to two questions: ‘Who rules?’ (one person, the few or the many), and ‘Who benefits from rule?’ (the rulers or all citizens) (pp. 27-9).
  • The ‘three worlds typology’ as the attempt to distinguish between a capitalist ‘first world’, a communist ‘second world’ and a developing ‘third world’; a system of classification that has been increasingly difficult to sustain since the 1970s (pp. 29-30).
  • The main approaches to regime classification as the constitutional-institutional approach, the structural-functional approach and the economic-ideological approach (pp. 30-2).
  • Western polyarchies as regimes in which there is, first, a relatively high tolerance of opposition, sufficient at least to prevent arbitrary government, and second, a reliable level of popular responsiveness based on regular, fair and competitive elections (pp. 32-4).
  • New democracies as regimes in which the process of democratic consolidation is incomplete, as opposed to semi-democracies in which democratic and authoritarian features operate in tandem (pp. 34-6).
  • East Asian regimes as ones characterised by the predominance of economic rather than political goals, broad support for ‘strong’ government, respect for leaders and an overriding emphasis on community and social cohesion
  • Islamic regimes as ones constructed or reconstructed on Islamic lines, either fundamentalist or pluralist in orientation (pp. 37-8).
  • Military regimes as ones that survive through the exercise, above all, of military power and systematic repression (pp. 38-9).




  • Political ideology as a more or less coherent set of ideas that provide a basis for organised political action, whether this is intended to preserve, modify or overthrow the existing power system (pp. 42-3).
  • Liberalism as an ideology rooted in the core principle of individualism and reflecting commitment to individual freedom, reason, equality, toleration, consent and constitutionalism (pp. 42-5).
  • Classical liberalism as characterised by belief in ‘possessive’ individualism, ‘negative’ liberty, a minimal or ‘nightwatchman’ state and free-market economics (p. 45).
  • Modern liberalism as characterised by an acceptance of economic and social interventionism based on a belief in ‘developmental’ individualism and ‘positive’ freedom (pp. 45-6).
  • Conservatism as an ideology characterised by a desire to conserve, based on respect for tradition, social duty, authority and a recognition of human imperfection (pp. 46-8).
  • Paternalistic conservatism as a recognition of the need for social reform based on a pragmatic fear of revolution and a belief in duty and moral responsibility (pp. 48-9).
  • The New Right as an ideological trend within conservatism that embraces a blend of market individualism and social authoritarianism, represented, respectively, by neoliberalism and neoconservatism (pp. 49-50).
  • Socialism as an ideology rooted in opposition to capitalism and characterised by a belief in community, co-operation, social equality and common ownership (pp. 51-2).
  • Marxism as the theoretical system devised by Karl Marx, characterised by a belief in historical materialism, dialectical change and the use of class analysis; the theoretical basis of twentieth-century communism (pp. 52-5).
  • Orthodox communism as ‘Marxism in practice’, influenced by Leninism (particularly the theory of the party) and Stalinism (particularly state collectivisation and central planning) (pp. 55-6).
  • Modern Marxism as ‘western Marxism’, a more complex and subtle form of Marxism influenced by Hegelian and other ideas (pp. 56-7).
  • Social democracy as an ideological stance reflecting a compromise between an acceptance of capitalism as the only reliable mechanism for generating wealth and desire to distribute wealth in accordance with moral, rather than market, principles (pp. 57-8).
  • The ‘third way’ as the idea of an alternative to both capitalism and socialism, based, in its modern version, on the values of opportunity, responsibility and community (pp. 58-9).
  • Fascism as an ideology characterised by a belief in anti-rationalism, struggle, absolute leadership, elitism and extreme nationalism; fascism encompasses Nazism as a form of ‘fascism plus racialism’ (pp. 59-60).
  • Anarchism as an ideology committed to the abolition of the state and the outright rejection of political authority, based on an unqualified belief in liberty and equality (pp. 60-1).
  • Feminism as an ideology committed to promoting the social role of women and, in most cases, dedicated to the goal of gender equality (pp. 61-2).
  • Environmentalism as a concern with protecting or conserving nature; as an ideology, in the form of ecologism, it is based on an anthropocentric or human-centred perspective (pp. 62-3).
  • Religious fundamentalism as the belief that political and social life should be organised on the basis of essential or original religious principles, commonly supported by a belief in the literal truth of sacred texts (pp. 63-4).
  • The idea of an end of ideology as the belief that the stock of political ideas has been exhausted; more recently revived in the idea of an ‘end of history’ (pp. 64-5).




  • Democracy as government of the people, by people and for the people, although ‘the people’ have been conceived in different ways (pp. 68-9).
  • Direct democracy as popular self-government, distinguished from representative democracy as indirect democracy operating through election (pp. 69-71).
  • Classical democracy, or Athenian democracy, as a system of government by mass meetings (pp. 72-3).
  • Protective democracy as a form of democracy in which consent is used to protect citizens from the encroachment of government (pp. 73-4).
  • Developmental democracy as a form of democracy which aims to broaden popular participation for both individual and wider social benefit (pp. 74-6).
  • People’s democracy as a class-based form of democracy which aims to articulate the interests of the proletariat, often through the vehicle of a revolutionary party (pp. 76-77).
  • Liberal democracy as the dominant real-world democratic model, based on electoral competition and a clear distinction between the state and civil society (pp. 77-8).
  • The pluralist view of liberal democracy as open competition amongst competing groups, ensuring a wide dispersal of political power (pp. 78-9).
  • The elitist view of liberal democracy as rule by the few, whether a coherent or a fractured elite (pp. 79-80).
  • The corporatist view of liberal democracy as the incorporation of major interests and particularly key economic groups into the processes of government (pp. 80-2).
  • The New Right view of liberal democracy as a warning against ‘democratic overload’: the paralysis of a political system subjected to unrestrained group and electoral pressures (p. 82).
  • The Marxist view of liberal democracy as a sham that protects bourgeois class interests behind a facade of popular control and political equality (pp. 82-3).




  • The state as a political association that establishes sovereign jurisdiction within defined territorial borders (pp. 86-8).
  • The pluralist state as a neutral arbiter between or amongst the competing groups in society (pp. 88-90).
  • The capitalist state as an instrument of class rule or a means of arbitrating between competing classes so as to perpetuate a system of unequal class power (pp. 90-2).
  • The leviathan state as a state pursuing its own interests rather than those of civil society (and bent on expansion and aggrandisement) (pp. 92-5).
  • Minimal states as protective bodies which provide merely a framework of peace and social order within which citizens can conduct their lives as they think best (pp. 95-6).
  • Developmental states as states that intervene in economic life for the specific purpose of promoting industrial growth and economical development (pp. 96-7).
  • Social-democratic states as states that practise economic and social interventionism to rectify the imbalances and injustices of a market economy (p. 97).
  • Collectivised states as states that extend control over the entirety of economic life, usually through a system of central planning (pp. 97-8).
  • Totalitarian states as all-encompassing states whose influence penetrates every aspect of human existence, thus abolishing the distinction between the state and civil society (p. 98).
  • The state has been ‘hollowed out’ by the impact of globalization, which has significantly weakened the state’s control over economic life and constrained social-democratic interventionism (pp. 99-100).
  • States have been restructured through privatization and the introduction of market reforms in the public services (p. 100).
  • States have been weakened by the growth of substate governance, reflected in the transfer of responsibilities from national or central bodies to a regional, local or community level (pp. 100-1).




  • Nations as complex phenomena that are shaped by a collection of cultural, political and psychological factors (p. 106).
  • Nations as cultural communities that are shaped by language, religious, ethnic or other cultural similarities (pp. 107-8).
  • Nations as political communities that are shaped by civic loyalties and political allegiances, ultimately by the quest to establish or maintain sovereign statehood (pp. 109-11).
  • Liberal nationalism as a principled form of nationalism based on the nation-state ideal (pp. 111-4).
  • Conservative nationalism as an inward-looking or insular form of nationalism associated with the promise of social cohesion and public order, generated through national patriotism (pp. 114-5).
  • Expansionist nationalism as an aggressive and militaristic form of nationalism that is underpinned by chauvinist, and often racialist, assumptions (pp. 115-7).
  • Anticolonial nationalism as a fusion between traditional ideas of self-determination and doctrines of economic and social emancipation, united through the idea of ‘national liberation’ (pp. 117-9).
  • Multiculturalism as a positive endorsement of communal diversity based on the ‘politics of difference’ (pp. 119-21).
  • The nation-state under threat from globalization and an upsurge in ethnic and regional politics (pp. 121-3).




  • Idealism as a view of international politics based on the perspective of moral values and legal norms (pp. 126-8).
  • Realism as a view of international politics that stresses the role of power and the importance of states as international actors (pp. 128-9).
  • Pluralism as a view of international politics that emphasises the diffusion of power amongst a number of competing bodies or groups (pp. 129-30).
  • Marxism as a view of international politics that stresses economic power and the role played by international capital (pp. 130-1).
  • The cold war as a period during which a bipolar model of world order was widely accepted (pp. 131-3).
  • Rival unipolar and multipolar versions of twenty-first century world order (pp. 133-7).
  • Globalization as a complex web of interconnectedness that has important economic, cultural and political dimensions (pp. 137-9).
  • Rival theories of globalization that associate it either with opportunity, prosperity and the spread of democracy, or with inequality, uncertainty and corporate hegemony (pp. 140-3).
  • Regionalization as the tendency for nation-states confronted by globalizing trends to collaborate more closely with neighbouring and geographically proximate states (pp. 143-6).
  • The European Union as the most advanced example of regional integration at an economic and political level (pp. 146-50).
  • The emergence of global governance as a means of ensuring international order or managing the global economy (pp. 150-2).
  • The United Nations as the most significant attempt to establish world governance (pp. 152-5).




  • The nature and respective advantages of centralization and decentralization (pp. 158-9).
  • Confederations as the loosest and most decentralized type of political union that vests sovereign power in peripheral bodies (pp. 159-60).
  • Federal systems as a means of sharing sovereignty between central and peripheral institutions (pp. 160-1).
  • Federalism as a response to nation-building, external threat, geographical size or cultural diversity (pp. 161-2).
  • The political and institutional features of federal systems (pp. 162-3).
  • The strengths and weaknesses of federal systems in dealing with centralizing and centrifugal pressures (pp. 164-5).
  • Unitary systems as systems in which sovereign power is vested in a single, national institution (pp. 165-6).
  • Local government as government that is specific to a particular locality but has no share in sovereignty (pp. 166-7).
  • Devolution as the transfer of power from central government to subordinate regional or provincial institutions (pp. 167-9).
  • The rise of ethnic politics as a response to the decline of nationalism and the emergence of multicultural societies (pp. 169-72).
  • The rise of community politics as a search for stronger community identities in the face of growing individualism and social fragmentation (pp. 172-3).




  • Economic systems as forms of organisation through which goods and services are produced, distributed and exchanged (pp. 178-9).
  • Enterprise capitalism as a form of capitalism based on the untrammelled workings of market competition (pp. 180-1).
  • Social capitalism as an attempt to marry the disciplines of market competition with the need for social cohesion and solidarity (p. 182).
  • Collective capitalism as a form of capitalism that emphasises cooperative long-term relationships (pp. 182-3).
  • Arguments for and against economic management within a capitalist context (pp. 183-5).
  • State socialism as an economic system based on state collectivization and central planning (p. 187).
  • Market socialism as a self-managing enterprises operating in a context of market competition (p. 188).
  • Economic third ways as attempts to construct market models that conform to neither a capitalist or socialist template (pp. 188-90).
  • Social class as a social cleavage based on the unequal distribution of income, wealth and social status (pp. 191-2).
  • The decline of class politics linked to the deradicalization of the working class and the general process of de-industrialization (pp. 192-3).
  • The underclass as a group of people who suffer from multiple deprivation and disadvantage (pp. 193-4).
  • Race as a source of social and political division which supposedly has a physical or genetic basis (pp. 194-5).
  • Gender as a social or political division between women and men that is rooted either in biology or cultural differences (pp. 195-6).




  • Civic culture as a political culture that helps to support stable, democratic government (pp. 200-1).
  • Ideological hegemony as the theory that ruling-class ideas help to sustain class oppression because they have a decisive advantage over rival ideas in capitalist societies (pp. 201-2).
  • The mass media as societal institutions concerned with the production and distribution of knowledge, information and entertainment (pp. 202-6).
  • Political communication as techniques for the control and dissemination of information, based on closer links between government and the media (pp. 206-7).
  • Social capital as norms of trust and civic engagement that underpin successful communities and good governance (pp. 207-10).
  • Means of legitimizing power, particularly through the exercise of different forms of authority (pp. 211-3).
  • Tendencies within industrialized societies towards legitimation crises stemming from tensions between capitalism and democracy (pp. 213-5).
  • Marxist theories of revolution as attempts to explain revolutions by reference to contradictions that exist at a socio-economic level (pp. 215-7).
  • Non-Marxist theories of revolution as explanations of revolutions based on systemic imbalance, frustrated rising expectations or the weaknesses of the state (pp. 217-9).




  • Representation as, broadly, standing for or acting on behalf of a larger body of people (p. 224).
  • Representation as trusteeship involving representatives thinking for themselves and using their supposedly superior wisdom (p. 225).
  • Representation as delegation as the use of representatives merely to convey the views of others (pp. 225-7).
  • Representation as the theory of the mandate, linked to the authority parties supposedly derive as a result of election victories (pp. 227-8).
  • Representation as resemblance, whereby representatives share the characteristics and life experiences of those they represent (pp. 228-9).
  • Elections as devices for filling public offices by reference to a system of popular voting (pp. 229-30).
  • The functions of elections, including both ‘bottom-up’ and ‘top-down’ functions (pp. 230-1).
  • Majoritarian electoral systems as systems in which larger parties are typically over-represented, often leading to single-party government (pp. 232-8).
  • Proportional electoral systems as ones which guarantee an equal, or at least more equal, relationship between seats won by a party and votes gained in an election (pp. 232-8).
  • Attempts to impose meaning on elections by using election results to define the ‘public interest’ (pp. 239-41).
  • Party-identification models of voting behaviour based on psychological attachments that people have to political parties resulting in habitual voting patterns (pp. 242-3).
  • Sociological models of voting behaviour that link voting patterns to group membership (p. 243).
  • Rational-choice models of voting behaviour that focus on the individual’s tendency to vote on the basis of self-interest and the policies offered by parties (pp. 243-4).
  • Dominant-ideology models of voting behaviour that emphasise the role of ideological manipulation (p. 244).




  • Political parties as groups of people that are organised for the purpose of winning government power, by electoral or other means (pp. 248-9).
  • Types of political party, including the cadre/mass, representative/integrative, constitutional/revolutionary and left-wing/right-wing distinctions (pp. 249-51).
  • The functions of political parties ranging from representation, elite formation and goal formation to the organisation of government (pp. 251-6).
  • The organisation of political parties as the location of policy-making power within parties and the extent of party democracy (pp. 256-8).
  • Party systems as complex interrelationships between and amongst parties that structure the workings of the political system (pp. 258-9).
  • One-party systems as monopolistic systems in which competition is formally forbidden (pp. 259-60).
  • Two-party systems as duopolistic systems with a tendency towards single-party government and an alternation in power (pp. 260-2).
  • Dominant-party systems as systems dominated by a single major party that enjoys prolonged periods in power (pp. 262-3).
  • Multiparty systems as systems characterised by competition amongst more than two parties, thereby increasing the likelihood of coalition government (pp. 263-5).
  • The decline of parties, linked, variously, to their bureaucratic character, the relationship between power and ambition, and the increasingly diverse and pluralistic nature of society (pp. 265-6).




  • Types of groups, including communal, institutional and associational groups, the latter encompassing the sectional/promotional and insider/outsider divides (pp. 271-3).
  • The pluralist model of group politics as the belief that political power is fragmented and widely dispersed in modern societies (pp. 273-5).
  • The corporatist model of group politics as the belief that major economic interests are inevitably incorporated into the processes of government (pp. 275-6).
  • The New Right model of group politics as the belief that people join organised groups to secure ‘public goods’ and that such groups exert non-legitimate influence on government (pp. 276-7).
  • The importance of interest groups as determined by factors such as the political culture, institution or structure, party system and government policy (pp. 277-80).
  • The methods employed by interest groups influenced by the resources available to the group and the principal channels of access through which influence is exerted (pp. 280-3).
  • Social movements as forms of collective behaviour, characterised by loose organisation, in which the motive to act springs largely from the attitudes and aspirations of members (pp. 283-4).
  • New social movements as movements of the relatively affluent that typically have a postmaterial orientation (pp. 284-6).




  • Constitutions as sets of rules that regulate the relations amongst the various institutions of government and relations between the state and citizens (pp. 292-3).
  • Constitutions classified on the basis of the written/unwritten, codified/uncodified, rigid/flexible, effective/nominal and other distinctions (pp. 293-7).
  • The functions of a constitution, ranging from the empowering of states and the establish of unifying values to the protection of freedom and the legitimization of regimes (pp. 297-300).
  • The significance of constitutions, linked to whether they correspond to the political culture, are respected by dominant groups, and are able to remain relevant and up-to-date (pp. 300-1).
  • The law and its relationship to morality, particularly the ‘natural/positive’ law distinction and its contested link to politics (pp. 301-4).
  • The judiciary as the branch of government that adjudicates on the meaning of law (pp. 304-5).
  • The political role of judges as the extent to which judges are able to maintain independence from other branches of government and neutrality (pp. 305-6).
  • The policy role of judges as the extent to which judges impose meaning on law, or even create law, rather than merely apply the ‘letter of the law’ (pp. 306-8).




  • An assembly as the branch of government that typically enacts laws and serves as a forum for debate (pp. 312-3).
  • Parliamentary systems as ones in which the government governs in and through the assembly, thereby ‘fusing’ the legislative and executive branches (pp. 313-5).
  • A presidential system as one in which a formal separation of powers ensures that the assembly is formally independent from a separately-elected executive (pp. 315-6).
  • The functions of assemblies, ranging from legislation, representation and scrutiny to legitimization (pp. 316-9).
  • Differences between unicameral and bicameral assemblies including their impact on representation, legislation and accountability (pp. 320-3).
  • The use and significance of committees as ways in which assemblies can accumulate expertise and strengthen executive accountability (pp. 323-4).
  • The significance of assemblies as the extent to which they make policy, influence the content of policy or merely ‘rubber-stamp’ policies made by the executive (pp. 324-8).
  • The decline of assemblies, linked to the rise of disciplined political parties, interest groups and the mass media, and the capacity of the executive to provide leadership in an era of ‘big’ government (pp. 328-30).
  • The revival of assemblies, linked to their importance as ‘communicating mechanisms’ and a trend towards greater independence and improved resourcing (p. 330).




  • The executive branch of government as the branch responsible for implementing policy, embracing both political and bureaucratic institutions (pp. 334-5).
  • The functions of political executives as the capacity to provide leadership in areas such as policy-making, bureaucratic control and crisis management (pp. 335-7).
  • Presidents as formal heads of state who also, as heads of government, serve as chief executives (pp. 338-42).
  • Prime ministers as heads of parliamentary executives that operate, in theory at least, within a framework of cabinet government (pp. 342-6).
  • Cabinets as committees of senior ministers who may either exercise policy leadership, operate as administrative devices, or provide support for chief executives (pp. 347-8).
  • Leadership as influence exerted by an individual or group over a larger body to secure the achievement of desired goals (pp. 348-9).
  • Rival theories of leadership, including the belief that leadership is a personal gift, a sociological phenomenon, an organisational necessity or a political skill (pp. 349-52).
  • Styles of political leadership, including differences between laissez-faire leadership, transactional leadership and transformational leadership (pp. 352-4).




  • The bureaucracy as the administrative machinery of the state, although the term is highly contested (pp. 358-9).
  • The rational-administrative model of bureaucracy as the belief that bureaucracies are neutral administrative machines that ensure efficient social organisation (pp. 358-60).
  • The power bloc model of bureaucracy as the belief that bureaucracies shape policy in the interests of powerful, external social groups (pp. 360-1).
  • The bureaucratic oversupply model of bureaucracy as the theory that bureaucracies develop their own interests and are thus always resistant to political control (pp. 361-2).
  • The functions of bureaucracies, ranging from their ability to carry out administration and offer policy advice to their capacity to maintain political stability (pp. 362-5).
  • The organization of bureaucracies, including attempts to ‘reinvent’ government through ideas such as the ‘new’ public management (pp. 365-8).
  • Bureaucratic power explained by reference to bureaucrats’ control of information, relationship to ministers, and expertise (pp. 368-71).
  • Means of controlling bureaucrats including mechanisms of political accountability, politicization and the construction of counter-democracies (pp. 371-5).




  • The military as a political institution of a very particular kind (pp. 378-9).
  • The military as an instrument of war, used for either offensive or defensive purposes (pp. 379-80).
  • The military as a guarantee of domestic order, providing support for the police and being able to prop up regimes that have lost legitimacy (pp. 380-1).
  • The military as an interest group concerned to influence policy in line with the career and other interests of the senior military (pp. 381-3).
  • The military as an alternative to civilian rule brought about by the establishment of military rule (pp. 383-4).
  • Attempts to control the military, including the use of objective/subjective methods and of liberal/penetration methods (pp. 384-6).
  • Circumstances in which the military seizes power, ranging from economic backwardness and the loss of legitimacy by civilian rulers to conflicts of interest between the military and the government (pp. 386-9).
  • The nature of policing as seen from liberal, conservative and radical perspectives (p. 390).
  • Civil policing as the role of police in the enforcement of criminal law (pp. 390-1).
  • Political policing as policing that extends beyond civilian matters in that it is carried out in the furtherance of political goals (pp. 391-2).
  • Police states as forms of rule characterised by arbitrary and indiscriminate policing (pp. 392-3).
  • Attempts to control the police, ranging from mechanisms of political accountability to outright politicization (pp. 393-5).




  • Rational actor models of decision-making, based on the belief that human beings behave in a rationally self-interested manner (pp. 400-1).
  • Incremental models of decision-making, based on the belief that decisions are usually made through small adjustments dictated by changing circumstances (pp. 401-2).
  • Bureaucratic organisation models of decision-making, based on the belief that the content of decisions is affected by the bureaucratic processes through which decisions are made (pp. 402-3).
  • Belief system models of decision-making, based on the theory that the content of decisions is shaped by the beliefs and ideology of decision-makers (pp. 403-4).
  • Policy initiation as the processes through which the political agenda is set and certain problems are defined as issues (pp. 404-6).
  • Policy formulation as the processes through which policy is developed through debate, analysis and discussion (pp. 406-8).
  • Policy implementation as the processes through policy is put into effect
  • Policy evaluation as the processes through which the impact of policy is assessed in terms of its aims or goals (pp. 409-11).
  • Stability performance as a means of evaluating political systems in terms of their capacity to maintain order and survive through time (pp. 411-2).
  • Material performance as a way of evaluating political systems in terms of their capacity to deliver prosperity and, perhaps, distribute it fairly (pp. 413-4).
  • Citizenship performance as the capacity of political systems to ensure that their people become members of the political community through the allocation of rights and obligations (pp. 414-5).
  • Democracy performance as the ability of political systems to respond to popular demands and give the people what they want (pp. 415-7).
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